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They protected by your arms? They have nobly taken up arms in your defence, have exerted a valour amidst their constant and laborious industry for the defence of a country whose frontier while drenched in blood, its interior parts have yielded all its little savings to your emolument The people I believe are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has, but a people jealous of their liberties and who will vindicate them if ever they should be violated; but the subject is too delicate and I will say no more.
Massachusetts Royal Governor William Shirley assured London in that American independence could easily be defeated by force.
He argued:. It passed —49 in the House of Commons and unanimously in the House of Lords. Other papers relating to court proceedings were taxed in amounts varying from 3d. Land grants under a hundred acres were taxed 1s. Cards were taxed a shilling a pack, dice ten shillings, and newspapers and pamphlets at the rate of a penny for a single sheet and a shilling for every sheet in pamphlets or papers totaling more than one sheet and fewer than six sheets in octavo , fewer than twelve in quarto , or fewer than twenty in folio in other words, the tax on pamphlets grew in proportion to their size but ceased altogether if they became large enough to qualify as a book.
The high taxes on lawyers and college students were designed to limit the growth of a professional class in the colonies.
To avoid draining currency out of the colonies, the revenues were to be expended in America, especially for supplies and salaries of British Army units who were stationed there. Two features of the Stamp Act involving the courts attracted special attention. The tax on court documents specifically included courts "exercising ecclesiastical jurisdiction.
Many colonists or their ancestors had fled England specifically to escape the influence and power of such state-sanctioned religious institutions, and they feared that this was the first step to reinstating the old ways in the colonies.
Some Anglicans in the northern colonies were already openly advocating the appointment of such bishops, but they were opposed by both southern Anglicans and the non-Anglicans who made up the majority in the northern colonies. The Stamp Act allowed admiralty courts to have jurisdiction for trying violators, following the example established by the Sugar Act. However, admiralty courts had traditionally been limited to cases involving the high seas.
The Sugar Act seemed to fall within this precedent, but the Stamp Act did not, and the colonists saw this as a further attempt to replace their local courts with courts controlled by England.
Grenville started appointing Stamp Distributors almost immediately after the Act passed Parliament. Applicants were not hard to come by because of the anticipated income that the positions promised, and he appointed local colonists to the post.
Benjamin Franklin even suggested the appointment of John Hughes as the agent for Pennsylvania, indicating that even Franklin was not aware of the turmoil and impact that the tax was going to generate on American-British relations or that these distributors would become the focus of colonial resistance.
Debate in the colonies had actually begun in the spring of over the Stamp Act when Parliament passed a resolution that contained the assertion, "That, towards further defraying the said Expences, it may be proper to charge certain Stamp Duties in the said Colonies and Plantations.
The Sugar Act, to a large extent, was a continuation of past legislation related primarily to the regulation of trade termed an external tax , but its stated purpose was entirely new: to collect revenue directly from the colonists for a specific purpose.
The novelty of the Stamp Act was that it was the first internal tax a tax based entirely on activities within the colonies levied directly on the colonies by Parliament. It was judged by the colonists to be a more dangerous assault on their rights than the Sugar Act was, because of its potential wide application to the colonial economy.
The theoretical issue that soon held center stage was the matter of taxation without representation. Benjamin Franklin had raised this as far back as at the Albany Congress when he wrote, "That it is suppos'd an undoubted Right of Englishmen not to be taxed but by their own Consent given thro' their Representatives. That the Colonies have no Representatives in Parliament. Members of Parliament were bound to represent the interests of all British citizens and subjects, so colonists were the recipients of virtual representation in Parliament, like those disenfranchised subjects in the British Isles.
The colonists enjoyed actual representation in their own legislative assemblies, and the issue was whether these legislatures, rather than Parliament, were in fact the sole recipients of the colonists' consent with regard to taxation. For if our Trade may be taxed why not our Lands? Massachusetts appointed a five-member Committee of Correspondence in June to coordinate action and exchange information regarding the Sugar Act, and Rhode Island formed a similar committee in October This attempt at unified action represented a significant step forward in colonial unity and cooperation.
The Virginia House of Burgesses sent a protest of the taxes to London in December , arguing that they did not have the specie required to pay the tax. The content of the messages varied, but they all emphasized that taxation of the colonies without colonial assent was a violation of their rights.
By the end of , all of the Thirteen Colonies except Georgia and North Carolina had sent some sort of protest passed by colonial legislative assemblies. The Virginia House of Burgesses reconvened in early May after news was received of the passage of the Act. By the end of May, it appeared that they would not consider the tax, and many legislators went home, including George Washington.
Only 30 out of Burgesses remained, but one of those remaining was Patrick Henry who was attending his first session. Henry led the opposition to the Stamp Act; he proposed his resolutions on 30 May , and they were passed in the form of the Virginia Resolves.
Resolved, That the first Adventurers and Settlers of this his majesty's colony and Dominion of Virginia brought with them, and transmitted to their Posterity, and all other his Majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this his Majesty's said Colony, all the Liberties, privileges, Franchises, and Immunities that have at any Time been held, enjoyed, and possessed, by the People of Great Britain.
Resolved, That by the two royal Charters, granted by King James the First, the Colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all Liberties, Privileges, and Immunities of Denizens and natural Subjects, to all Intents and Purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within the Realm of England.
Resolved, That the Taxation of the People by themselves, or by Persons chosen by themselves to represent them, who could only know what Taxes the People are able to bear, or the easiest method of raising them, and must themselves be affected by every Tax laid on the People, is the only Security against a burdensome Taxation, and the distinguishing characteristick of British Freedom, without which the ancient Constitution cannot exist.
Resolved, That his majesty's liege people of this his most ancient and loyal Colony have without interruption enjoyed the inestimable Right of being governed by such Laws, respecting their internal Polity and Taxation, as are derived from their own Consent, with the Approbation of their Sovereign, or his Substitute; and that the same hath never been forfeited or yielded up, but hath been constantly recognized by the King and People of Great Britain.
That it is highly expedient there should be a Meeting as soon as may be, of Committees from the Houses of Representatives or Burgesses in the several Colonies on this Continent to consult together on the present Circumstances of the Colonies, and the difficulties to which they are and must be reduced by the operation of the late Acts of Parliament for levying Duties and Taxes on the Colonies, and to consider of a general and humble Address to his Majesty and the Parliament to implore Relief.
There was no attempt to keep this meeting a secret; Massachusetts promptly notified Richard Jackson of the proposed meeting, their agent in England and a member of Parliament. While the colonial legislatures were acting, the ordinary citizens of the colonies were also voicing their concerns outside of this formal political process.
Historian Gary B. Nash wrote:. Whether stimulated externally or ignited internally, ferment during the years from to changed the dynamics of social and political relations in the colonies and set in motion currents of reformist sentiment with the force of a mountain wind.
By the end of Early street protests were most notable in Boston. Andrew Oliver was a distributor of stamps for Massachusetts who was hanged in effigy on 14 August "from a giant elm tree at the crossing of Essex and Orange Streets in the city's South End. All day the crowd detoured merchants on Orange Street to have their goods symbolically stamped under the elm tree, which later became known as the " Liberty Tree ".
One night, he led a crowd which cut down the effigy of Andrew Oliver and took it in a funeral procession to the Town House where the legislature met. From there, they went to Oliver's office—which they tore down and symbolically stamped the timbers. Next, they took the effigy to Oliver's home at the foot of Fort Hill, where they beheaded it and then burned it—along with Oliver's stable house and coach and chaise.
Greenleaf and Hutchinson were stoned when they tried to stop the mob, which then looted and destroyed the contents of Oliver's house. Oliver asked to be relieved of his duties the next day. Oliver was ultimately forced by MacIntosh to be paraded through the streets and to publicly resign under the Liberty Tree. As news spread of the reasons for Andrew Oliver's resignation, violence and threats of aggressive acts increased throughout the colonies, as did organized groups of resistance.
Throughout the colonies, members of the middle and upper classes of society formed the foundation for these groups of resistance and soon called themselves the Sons of Liberty. These colonial groups of resistance burned effigies of royal officials, forced Stamp Act collectors to resign, and were able to get businessmen and judges to go about without using the proper stamps demanded by Parliament.
On 16 August, a mob damaged the home and official papers of William Story, the deputy register of the Vice-Admiralty, who then moved to Marblehead, Massachusetts. Benjamin Hallowell, the comptroller of customs, suffered the almost total loss of his home.
On 26 August, MacIntosh led an attack on Hutchinson's mansion. The mob evicted the family, destroyed the furniture, tore down the interior walls, emptied the wine cellar, scattered Hutchinson's collection of Massachusetts historical papers, and pulled down the building's cupola. Nash concludes that this attack was more than just a reaction to the Stamp Act:.
But it is clear that the crowd was giving vent to years of resentment at the accumulation of wealth and power by the haughty prerogative faction led by Hutchinson. MacIntosh and several others were arrested, but were either freed by pressure from the merchants or released by mob action. The street demonstrations originated from the efforts of respectable public leaders such as James Otis , who commanded the Boston Gazette , and Samuel Adams of the " Loyal Nine " of the Boston Caucus , an organization of Boston merchants.
They made efforts to control the people below them on the economic and social scale, but they were often unsuccessful in maintaining a delicate balance between mass demonstrations and riots. These men needed the support of the working class, but also had to establish the legitimacy of their actions to have their protests to England taken seriously. Rhode Island also experienced street violence. A crowd built a gallows near the Town House in Newport on 27 August, where they carried effigies of three officials appointed as stamp distributors: Augustus Johnson, Dr.
Thomas Moffat, and lawyer Martin Howard. That night, the crowd was led by a poor man named John Weber, and they attacked the houses of Moffat and Howard, where they destroyed walls, fences, art, furniture, and wine.
The local Sons of Liberty were publicly opposed to violence, and they refused at first to support Weber when he was arrested.
They were persuaded to come to his assistance, however, when retaliation was threatened against their own homes. Weber was released and faded into obscurity.
The stamps arrived in New York Harbor on 24 October for several of the northern colonies. Placards appeared throughout the city warning that "the first man that either distributes or makes use of stamped paper let him take care of his house, person, and effects. Crowds took to the streets for four days of demonstrations, uncontrolled by the local leaders, culminating in an attack by two thousand people on Governor Cadwallader Colden 's home and the burning of two sleighs and a coach.
Unrest in New York City continued through the end of the year, and the local Sons of Liberty had difficulty in controlling crowd actions. In Frederick, Maryland, a court of 12 magistrates ruled the Stamp Act invalid on 23 November , and directed that businesses and colonial officials proceed in all matters without use of the stamps. A week later, a crowd conducted a mock funeral procession for the act in the streets of Frederick.
The magistrates have been dubbed the "12 Immortal Justices," and 23 November has been designated " Repudiation Day " by the Maryland state legislature. Among the 12 magistrates was William Luckett, who later served as lieutenant colonel in the Maryland Militia at the Battle of Germantown. In Philadelphia, Pennsylvania demonstrations were subdued but even targeted Benjamin Franklin's home, although it was not vandalized.
The Georgia distributor did not arrive in America until January , but his first and only official action was to resign. The overall effect of these protests was to both anger and unite the American people like never before. Opposition to the Act inspired both political and constitutional forms of literature throughout the colonies, strengthened the colonial political perception and involvement, and created new forms of organized resistance.
These organized groups quickly learned that they could force royal officials to resign by employing violent measures and threats. The main issue was the constitutional rights of Englishmen, so the French in Quebec did not react.
Some English-speaking merchants were opposed but were in a fairly small minority. The Quebec Gazette ceased publication until the act was repealed, apparently over the unwillingness to use stamped paper.
The only major public protest was the hanging in effigy of the stamp distributor and Lord Bute. The act was implemented in both provinces, but Nova Scotia's stamp distributor resigned in January , beset by ungrounded fears for his safety. Authorities there were ordered to allow ships bearing unstamped papers to enter its ports, and business continued unabated after the distributors ran out of stamps.
John's , based on legislation dating back to the reign of Edward VI forbidding any sort of duties on the importation of goods related to its fisheries. Violent protests were few in the Caribbean colonies. Political opposition was expressed in a number of colonies, including Barbados and Antigua , and by absentee landowners living in Britain.
The worst political violence took place on St. Kitts and Nevis. Riots took place on 31 October , and again on 5 November, targeting the homes and offices of stamp distributors; the number of participants suggests that the percentage of St. The government decided to wait a few months before repealing the Stamp Act. Also, England did not send troops over to America to put a stop to the riots and enforce the tax. The whole objective of issuing the Stamp Act was to increase revenue.
If Parliament sent troops to America to enforce the tax, it would cost money. What purpose would be served if it cost more money to enforce the act, then the act was worth? Also, America was thousands of miles away from England and directing an army across the Atlantic in the s would not be easy.
Therefore, Parliament decided using force was not a wise decision. By , there had been a shift in power in Parliament. In the end of January and beginning of February, reports from America were arriving in England.
The Stamp Act was failing and the colonists were still acting violent. That, along with complaints from English merchants about a loss in trade, made Parliament start to consider repealing the Act. Conway began by summing up the evidence which had appeared before them relative to the decay of the Commerce between.
Had the American people not rioted and burned down the homes of government officials, Parliament may have been more willing to compromise with the colonies at a much earlier time.
Grenville was defending his plan, while Pitt was protesting the rights of the colonies. This act would allow the English government the authority to tax the colonies any way Parliament saw fit. It almost went against the policy of the stamp tax. Since the Declaratory Act gave Parliament power over taxing colonies, why repeal the Stamp Act because colonists in America were protesting? Obviously, America was gaining power and Parliament was not ready to deal with that issue.
Once they finished discussing the Declaratory Act, the stamp repeal came to a vote. In the Lords, the vote stood yeas to 71 nays, and on March 18 the King granted his consent. The fact that the government would go against its own policy made the colonists believe they were right and Parliament was wrong.
The controversy over the Stamp Act was whether Parliament had the right to tax the colonies without their consent. England was not enforcing the laws Parliament had passed over the colonies for decades. Suddenly, in the early s the government decided to reinforce those laws and the colonists were ready to defend their rights. Had Parliament been enforcing its laws since they were passed, the issue of who had authority to tax America might have been avoided.
However, this was not the case and the colonists fought to protect their rights. Grenville fought to the end trying to save the Stamp Act, but it was to no avail. He warned Parliament that the Declaratory Act would not solve the problem of taxation and representation.
Instead, his belief that the act would only make it worse was proven correct by The colonists had been allowed to self-govern for far too long to start to begin losing that privilege in Parliament had just started a fight, which would end in civil war with America as the victor.
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