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Admirat Dewey spoke the word, and Aguinaldo, his protege, did the rest. Admiral Dewey told the Senate Committee in tlrat Aguinaldo actually wanted to put one of the old sm-ooth-bore Spanish guns he found at Cavite on a barge a id have him Dewey tow it up in front of Manila so he could attack the city with it. Let the Admiral answer: "I knew that.

Page 21 Dewey and Aguinaldo 21 for which we had declared war, and trusting, because of the words of our consuls and the acts of our admiral, in the sentiment subsequently so nobly expressed by MAr. McKinley in his instructions to the Paris Peace Commissioners: The United States in making peace should follow the same high rule of conduct which guided it in facing war.

He was most obedient; whatever I told him to do he did. I saw him almost daily. It was a case of the powerful of the earth discussing a question of ethics, even as they do in Boston. The nation had been intoxicated in I with the pride of power-power revealed to it by the Spanish Wa-r; and in a spirit thus mellowed had taken the Philippines as a sort of political foreign mission, forgetting the injunction of the Fathers to keep Church and State separate, but not forgetting the possible profits of trade with the saved.

A long war with the prospective saved had followed, developing many barbarities avenged in kind, and the breezes from the S.

Senator Patterson: "I was not lecturing him. He said he had used the Filipinos as the Federal troops used the negroes in the Civil War. Senator Patterson struck this suggestion amidships and sunk it with the remark that the negroes ' S. Page 23 Dewey and Aguinaldo 23 were expecting freedom. Admiral Dewey had said "The Filipinos were slaves too" and considered him their liberator.

The Filipinos were our friends, assisting us; they were doing our work. They could have had the whole population. Page 24 24 American Occupation of Philippines contact with both insurrectos and amigos, I have been reluctantly compelled to believe that the Filipino masses are loyal to Aguinaldo and the government which he heads. But they did not let the Filipinos have a finger in the pie. The conquest and retention of the islands had then been determined upon.

The Admiral's reasons for saddling his protege with a series of bloody battles and a long and arduous campaign are certainly stated with the proverbial frankness of the sailorman: "I wanted his help, you know. I See letter of H. Clay Macaulay, who afterwards made that statement in a letter to the Boston Transcript. Page 25 Dewey and Aguinaldo 25 "They wanted to get rid of the Spaniards. I do not think they looked much beyond that,"' said the Admiral to the Senate Committee.

Let us see whether they did or not. Aguinaldo had been shipped by the Honorable E. May 5th, at Hong Kong, the Filipino Revolutionary Committee had a meeting, the minutes of which we subsequently came into possession of, along with other captured insurgent papers. The following is an extract from those minutes: Once the President [Aguinaldo] is in the Philippines with his prestige, he will be able to arouse the masses to combat the demands of the United States, if they should colonize that country, and will drive them, the Filipinos, if circumstances render it necessary, to a Titanic struggle for their independence, even if later they should succumb to the weight of the yoke of a new oppressor.

If Washington proposes to carry out the fundamental principles of its Constitution, it is most improbable that an attempt will be made to colonize the Philippines or annex them. It is probable then that independence will be guaranteed.

Page 26 26 American Occupation of Philippines boldly and consistently from the beginning with a view of organizing a de facto government and getting it recognized by the Powers as such at the very earliest practicable moment. They believed that the Lord helps those who help themselves. They had anticipated our change of heart and already had it discounted before we were aware of it ourselves. They were already acting on the idea that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty while public opinion in the United States concerning them was in a chrysalis state, and trying to develop a new definition of Liberty which should comport with the subjugation of distant island subjects by a continental commonwealth on the other side of the world based on representative government.

The prospective subjects did not believe that a legislature ten thousand miles away in which they had no vote would ever give them a square deal about tariff and other laws dictated by special interests. They had had three hundred years of just that very sort of thing under Spain and instinctively dreaded continuance of it. That their instincts did not deceive them, our later study of Congressional legislation will show. The Filipinos had greatly pondered their future in their hearts during the last twelve months of Spain's colonial empire, watching her Cuban embarrassments with eager eye.

Having seen the frame of mind in which they approached the contract implied in Admiral Dewey's cheery words, "Well now, go ashore there and start your army," what were the facts of recent history within the knowledge of both parties at the time?

What had been the screams of the American eagle, if any, concerning his moral leadership of the family of unfeathered bipeds? President McKinley's annual message to Congress. Page 27 Dewey and Aguinaldo The other nations said: "We are from Missouri.

McKinley said, "forcible annexation" was not to be thought of by us. So the world said, "We shall see what we shall see. Immediately upon the conclusion of the reading of the war message, Senator Stewart was recognized, and said, among other things: "Under the law of nations, intervention for conquest is condemned, and is opposed to the universal sentiment of mankind.

It is unjust, it is robbery, to intervene for conquest. Lodge stood up, "in the Senate House a Senator," and said: We are there [meaning in this present Cuban situation] because we represent the spirit of liberty and the spirit of the new time, and Spain is over against us because she is mediaeval, cruel, dying. We have grasped no man's territory, we have taken no man's property, we have invaded no man's rights.

We do not ask their lands. Record, December, Record, April I, I, pp. Record, April 13, , pp. Page 28 28 American Occupation of Philippines These speeches went forth to the world almost like a part of the message itself. And Admiral Dewey, like every other American, in his early dealings with Aguinaldo, after war broke out, must have assumed a mental attitude in harmony with these announcements. But the world said, "All this is merely what you Americans yourselves call 'hot air.

This meant, "It is true we do love the Almighty Dollar very dearly, oh, Sisters of the Family of Nations, but there are some axiomatic principles of human liberty that we love better, and one of them is the 'unalienable right' of every people to pursue happiness in their own way, free from alien domination. Trusting to the faith and honor of the American people, he took his life in his hands, left the panoplied safety of our mighty ' Navy Dept. Report, I, Appendix, p.

Page 29 Dewey and Aguinaldo 29 squadron, and plunged, single-handed, into the struggle for Freedom. What was the state of the public mind on shore, and how was it prepared to receive his assurances of American aid?

Consider the following picture in the light of its sombre sequel. Just as the war broke out, Consul Williams had left Manila and gone over to Hong Kong, where he joined Admiral Dewey, and accompanied him back to Manila, and was thus privileged to be present at the battle of Manila Bay, May Ist. Under date of May 12th, from his consular headquarters aboard the U.

Baltimore, he reports' going ashore at Cavite and being received with enthusiastic greetings by vast crowds of Filipinos. So I moved half a mile, shaking continuously with both hands. What did the Government at Washington know of all these goings on, that it should be charged later with having violated as binding a moral obligation as ever a nation assumed?

It is true that the news of the Williams ovation, as in the case of the Pratt serenade, reached Washington only by the slow channels of the mail.

But Washington did in fact receive the said news by due course of mail. When it came, however, Washington was nursing visions of savages in blankets smoking the pipe of peace with the agents of the Great White Father in the White House-i. Page 30 3o American Occupation of Philippines of the Williams ovation as it had been to the strains of the Pratt serenade.

However, hardly had Admiral Dewey taken his binoculars from the gig that carried Aguinaldo ashore to raise his auxiliary insurrection, when he called his Flag Secretary, or the equivalent, and dictated the following cablegram to the Secretary of the Navy: Aguinaldo, the rebel commander-in-chief, was brought down by the McCulloch.

Organizing forces near Cavite, and may render assistance that will be valuable. How valuable did this assistance prove? Admiral Dewey had to wait three and one half months for the army to arrive, and this is how the commanding general of the American forces describes conditions as he found them in the latter part of August: For three and one half months Admiral Dewey with his squadron and the insurgents on land had kept Manila tightly bottled.

All commerce had been interdicted, internal trade paralyzed, and food supplies were nearly exhausted. And, he might have added, the taking of the city was thus made perfectly easy. Otherwise, as Aguinaldo put it in one of his letters to General Otis, we would not have taken a city, but only the ruins of a city.

Admiral Dewey said to the Senate Committee in "They [the Spaniards] surrendered on August 13th, and they had not gotten a thing in after the Ist of May. Report, , App. Dispatch May 20, War Dept. Report, , vol. The olive branch got withered in the sulphur of exploding gun-powder, so the Commission contented itself with making a report. And this is what they said concerning what followed the DeweyAguinaldo entente: Shortly afterwards, the Filipinos began to attack the Spanish.

Their number was rapidly augmented by the militia who had been given arms by Spain, all of whom revolted and joined the insurgents. Great Filipino successes followed, many Spaniards were taken prisoners, and while the Spanish troops now remained quietly in Manila, the Filipino forces made themselves masters of the entire island [of Luzon] except that city.

Page 32 32 American Occupation of Philippines what he himself called "the protection of our guns" ante. Let us note its progress. If you turn the leaves of the contemporaneous official reports, you see quite a moving picture show, and the action is rapid. On May 24th, still "under the protection of our guns," Aguinaldo proclaimed his revolutionary government and summoned the people to his standard for the purpose of driving the Spaniards out forever.

The situation was an exact counterpart of the cotemporary Cuban one as regards identity of purpose between " Woodwork Bench Vice For Sale Quotes liberator" and " oppressed. Copies of these proclamations were duly furnished Admiral Dewey. The latter was too busy looking after the men behind his guns and watching the progress of his plucky little ally to study Spanish, so he forwarded them to the Navy Department without comment-"without reading them," said he to the Senate Committee in In a proclamation published at Tarlac in the latter part of I, which appears to have been a sort of swan-song of the Philippine Republic, Aguinaldo had said, in effect, "Certainly S.

Page 33 Dewey and Aguinaldo 33 Admiral Dewey did not bring me from Hong Kong to Manila to fight the Spaniards for the benefit of American Trade Expansion," and in this proclamation he claimed that Admiral Dewey promised him independence. It is true, that in a letter to Senator Lodge, which that distinguished gentleman read on the floor of the Senate on January 31, o, Admiral Dewey denounced this last statement as false.

It is also true that those Americans are few and far between who will take Aguinaldo's word in preference to Admiral Dewey's. Certainly the writer is not one of them. But Aguinaldo is no Spanish scholar, being more of a leader of men than a master of language, and what sort of an interpreter acted between him and the Admiral does not appear.

Certainly he never did get anything in writing from Admiral Dewey. But after the latter brought him to Manila, set him to fighting the common enemy, and helped him with guns and otherwise in quickly organizing an army for the purpose, the Admiral was at least put on inquiry as to just what Aguinaldo supposed he was fighting for. What did the Admiral probably suppose? He told the Senate Committee that the idea that they wanted independence "never entered his head.

But let us turn from the Senate Committee's studies of 3. Page 34 34 American Occupation of Philippines to the progress of the infant republic of I at Cavite. The same day the above proclamations of May 24th were issued, we find Consul Williams, now become a sort of amphibious civilian aide to Dewey, having his consular headquarters afloat, on the U. He says, in part: "Officers have visited me during the darkness of the night to inform the fleet and me of their operations, and to report increase of strength.

When General Merritt arrives he will find large auxiliary land forces adapted to his service and used to the climate. Six days after the issuance of the Dictatorship proclamations above mentioned, viz.

I, Navy Dept. Page 35 Dewey and Aguinaldo 35 Aguinaldo, revolutionary leader, visited Olympia yesterday. He expects to make general attack May 31st. He did not succeed entirely, but there was hard fighting, and the cordon around the doomed Spaniards in MIanila and its suburbs was drawn ever closer and closer.

The remarkable feat of Aguinaldo's raising a right formidable fighting force in twelve days after his little "Return from Elba," which force kept growing like a snowball, is difficult, for one who does not know the Filipinos, and the conditions then, to credit.

It is explained by the fact that Admiral Dewey let him have the captured guns in the Cavite arsenal, that Cavite was a populous hotbed of insurrection, and that many native regiments, or parts of regiments, quite suited to be the nucleus of an army, having lots of veteran non-commissioned officers, deserted the Spaniards and went over to the insurgents, their countrymen, as soon as Aguinaldo arrived.

On June 6th, we have another bulletin sent to the Navy Department by Admiral Dewey, transmitting with perceptible satisfaction further information as to the progress of his indefatigable protege: Insurgents have been engaged actively within the province of Cavite during the last week; they have had several small victories, taking prisoners about I8oo men, 50 officers; Spanish troops, not native.

It contains considerable speculation on the future of the Philippines which casts a shadow over the soul of the president of the incipient republic. Page 36 36 American Occupation of Philippines Having read President McKinley's immortal State papers about the moral obliquity of "forcible annexation," he is moved to write direct to the source of those noble sentiments.

The letter is dated June IO, I Page 37 Dewey and Aguinaldo 37 all his time praying for us, as may be observed in this bulletin from Admiral Dewey concerning the way he was lambasting the common enemy, sent the Navy Department, June I2th: Insurgents continue hostilities and have practically surrounded Manila. They have taken Spanish prisoners, whom they treat most humanely.

They do not intend to attack city proper until the arrival of United States troops thither; I have advised. I Four days later Washington chided the hapless Pratt at Singapore about having talked to Aguinaldo of "direct co-operation" with Admiral Dewey, saying: "To obtain the unconditional personal assistance of General Aguinaldo in the expedition to Manila was Jproper, if in so doing he was not induced to form hopes which it might not be practicable to gratify.

Pratt that the Department cannot approve anything he may have said to Aguinaldo on behalf of the United States which w-ould co-cede that in accepting his co-operation we would owe him anything. Yet it did not tell Admiral Dewey to quit coaching him, because the service he was rendering was too valuable.

There is no communication to Admiral Dewey about "hopes which it might not be practicable to gratify" in the official archives of those times. There was Admiral Dewey coaching Aguinaldo and telling him to wait for the main attack until General Merritt should arrive with our troops.

Because he expected Merritt to co-operate with Aguinaldo, and of course Aguinaldo expected -xaactly what Dewey expected. In reviewing the history of those times the writer has not been so careless as to have overlooked Senator ' Nvy Dept.

Report, i, Appendix, p. Page 38 38 American Occupation of Philippines Lodge's elaborate speech in the Senate on March 7, o, wherein attention is called to the circumstance that a few days after Aguinaldo landed at Cavite, the Navy Department cabled cautioning Dewey to have no alliance with him that might complicate us, and that the Admiral answered he had made no alliance and would make none.

But if actions speak louder than words, the Senator's point does not rise above the dignity of a technicality. The same day the State Department reprimanded Pratt, as above indicated, viz. But no resultant enthusiasm is of record. The infant republic was now less than a month old, but it already had a fine set of teeth. The Spaniards had seen them. The proclamation was of course addressed to the Filipino people, and called on them to rally to the cause, but he was also driving at recognition by the Powers.

It read in part: "In the face of the whole world I have proclaimed that the aspiration of my whole life, the final object of all my wishes and efforts, is your independence, because I have the inner conviction that it is also your constant longing.

But the pride a people will have in seeing the best educated and most able men of their own race in charge of their affairs seems to me too obvious to need elaboration. Page 39 Dewey and Aguinaldo 39 always accepted by us as axiomatic until we took the Philippines. It is a cruel species of wickedness for an American to tell his countrymen that the Filipino people do not want independence, for some of them may believe it. The Declaration of Independence of June I8th is known to students of Philippine political archaeology as the Proclamation establishing the "dictatorial" government.

The principal thing it did was to supplement the absolute dictatorship proclaimed May 24th by provisions for organizing in detail. It also declared independence. A more elaborate Declaration followed on June 23d, known as the proclamation establishing the "revolutionary" government. This made provision for a Congress, a Cabinet, and courts. Of course it was only a paper government the day the ink dried on it.

But we will follow it through its teething, and adolescence, to the attainment of its major'ty at an inauguration where the president was driven to the place of the taking of the oath of office in a coach and four, through a short and very self-respecting heyday, and a longer peripatetic existence, to final dissolution. The document of June 23d reminds us of a fact which in reading it at this late date we are apt to forget, viz. So they were losing no time. In fact, they had set to work from the very beginning with a determination to try and secure recognition from the Powers at the earliest moment.

In appealing to the public opinion of the world with a view of paving the way to recognition by the Powerswhich recognition would mean getting arms for war.

Page 40 40 American Occupation of Philippines with Spain or any other power without the inconveniences of filibustering —Aguinaldo says on behalf of his people in the proclamation of June 23d, above mentioned, that they "now no longer limit themselves to asking for assimilation with the political constitution of Spain, but ask for a complete separation and strive for independence, completely assured that the time has come when they can and ought to govern themselves.

Frank D. Millet, who reached Manila soon enough in July to see the ripples of this proclamation, describes the effect on the people.

While Mr. Millet is one of the best men that anybody ever knew, a proposition as to which I am quite sure the President of the United States and many people great and small in many lands would affirm my judgment,' still, he writes from a frankly White Man's Burden or land-grabbing standpoint-is in harmony with his environment. At page 50 of his book,2 he reproduces the proclamation last above quoted from, and adds the following satirical comment: "This flowery production was widely circulated and had a great effect on the imagination of the people, who, in the elation of their present success in investing the town and in their belief that the United States was beginning a campaign in the Philippines to free them from Spanish oppression italics mine shortly came to think that they were already a nation.

In his letter trans-, Alas, that rare man, Frank Millet, perished in the Titanic disaster of April, , since the above was written. Page 41 Dewey and Aguinaldo 41 mitting them to Dewey, Aguinaldo announces that his government has " taken possession of the various provinces of the archipelago.

The very same day the proclanmation of June 23d declaring independence was issued, Admiral Dewey cabled the Navy Department': "Aguinaldo has acted independently of the squadron, but has kept me advised of his progress which has been wonderful.

I have allowed him to take from the arsenal such Spanish arms and ammunition as he needed. Anthonies at Washington, volunteers this timely suggestion: In my opinion these people are superior in intelligence and more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar with both races. McKinley wired Admiral Dewey asking about "the desirability of the several islands," the "coal and mineral deposits," and in reply on August 29th, the Admiral wrote: Inatelegram sent the Department on June 23d, I expressed the opinion that "these people are far superior in their intelligence and more capable of self-government than the 1 Navy Dept.

CSe p. In the or Douay pronounce Dewey version of the Bible, the Latin Vulgate, Luke's version of the Lord's Prayer only says " Lead us not into temptation," while Matthew adds "but deliver us from evil. There is not an American who has known the Filipinos since the beginning of the American occupation who doubts for a moment that but for our intervention a Republic would have been established out there underthe lead of Aguinaldo, Mabini, and theirassociates, which would have compared well with the republican governments between the United States and Cape Horn.

The writer doubts very much if President Taft is of a contrary opinion. The real issue is, now that we have them, should we keep them in spite of the tariff iniquities which the Trusts perpetrate on them through Congress, until they have received the best ' S. Page 43 Dewey and Aguinaldo 43 possible tuition we can give them, or be content to give them their independence when they are already at least as fit for it as the Republics to the South of us, guaranteeing them independence by international agreement like that which protects Belgium and Switzerland?

Now why did Admiral Dewey repeat to his home government and emphasize on August 29th a suggestion so extremely pertinent to the capacity of the Filipinos for self-government which he had already made in lucid language on June 23d previous? The answer is not far to seek. General Anderson had arrived between the two dates, with the first American troops that reached the islands after the naval battle of May Ist, and brought the Admiral the first intimation, which came somewhat as a surprise of course, that there was serious talk in the United States of retaining the Philippines.

Admiral Dewey gave them arms and ammunition, as I did subsequently at his request. Page 44 44 American Occupation of Philippines the Filipinos from taking until Aguinaldo reported the matter to Admiral Dewey, whereupon, he promptly sent Captain Coghlan with the Raleigh and another of his ships to the scene of the trouble, and Captain Coghlan said to the German "Hoch der Kaiser" etc.

Then Captain Coghlan took the prisoners himself and turned them over to Aguinaldo by direction of Admiral Dewey. The motive for, as well as the test of, an alliance, is that the other fellow can bring into the partnership something you lack.

The navy had no way to keep prisoners of war. There can be no doubt that if Admiral Dewey's original notions about meeting the problems presented by his great victory of May I, , had been followed, we never would have had any trouble with the Filipinos; nor can there be any doubt that he made them his allies and used them as such.

They were very obedient allies at that, until they saw the Washington Government was going to repudiate the "alliance," and withhold from them what they had a right to consider the object and meaning of the alliance, if it meant anything. He of course saw quite clearly then, when he was sending home those commendations of Filipino fitness for self-government, just as we have all come to realize since, that a coaling station would be the main thing we should need in that part of the world in time of war; that Manila, being quite away from the I See National Geographic Magazine, August, 90o5.

Page 45 Dewey and Aguinaldo 45 mainland of Asia, could never supersede Hong Kolng as the gateway to the markets of Asia, since neither shippers nor the carrying trade of the world will ever see their way to unload cargo at Manila by way of rehearsal before unloading on the mainland; and that the taking of the islands was a dubious step from a financial standpoint, and a still more dubious one from the strategic standpoint of defending them by land, in the event of war with Japan, Germany, or any other first-class power.

At this late date, when the passions and controversies of that period have long since subsided, is it not perfectly clear that after he destroyed the Spanish fleet, Admiral Dewey not only dealt with the Filipinos, until the army came out, substantially as Admiral Sampson and General Shafter did with the Cubans, but also that he did all he properly could to save President McKinley from the one great blunder of our history, the taking of the Philippine Islands? Julius Ccesar, Act. I, Sc. THE destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay on May I, I, ten days after the outbreak of the war with Spain, having necessitated sending troops to the Philippines to complete the reduction of the Spanish power in that quarter, Major-General Wesley Merritt was on May i6th selected to organize and command such an expedition.

Anderson, on May 25th, and arrived off Manila, June 30th. General Merritt did not arrive until July 25th. It was General Anderson, therefore, who broke the ice of the American occupation of the Philippines. Page 47 Anderson and Aguinaldo 47 results, Mr.

McKinley gives a brief account of the First Expedition. After recounting Admiral Dewey's victory of May Ist previous, he states that "on the seventh day of May the Government was advised officially of the victory at' Manila, and at once inquired of the commander of the fleet what troops would be required.

It was: "In my best judgment, a well-equipped force of men. In recommending troops, the Admiral had said they would be necessary "to retain possession [of Manila] and thus control Philippine Islands.

After describing the taking of Manila by our troops on August I3th, the presidential message says: By this the conquest of the Philippine Islands, virtually accomplished when the Spanish capacity for resistance was destroyed, by Admiral Dewey's victory of May Ist, was formally sealed. Page 48 48 American Occupation of Philippines Admiral Dewey contemplated that we should merely remain masters of the situation out where he was until the end of the war.

President McKinley set about to effect "the conquest of the Philippine Islands. Within a few days after the official news of the battle of Manila Bay reached Washington, the Treasury Department set a man to work making a "Report on Financial and Industrial Conditions of the Philippine Islands.

Bliss, in a letter intended for the Peace Commissioners who met at Paris that fall, "by arrangement between the Secretary of War with this Department " Mr. Bliss's grammar is bad, but his meaning is plain —"'a geologist of the United States Geological Survey accompanied the military expedition to the Philippines for the purpose of procuring information touching the geological and mineral resources of said islands.

Page 49 Anderson and Aguinaldo 49 Treasury, presumably echoing the sentiments of the Administration, came out in one of the great magazines of the period, the Century, with an article in which he said: "We see with sudden clearness that some of the most revered of our political maxims have outlived their force. Nevertheless "Expansion"-of Trade, mainly-was the slogan of the hour, and any one who did not catch the contagion of exuberant allusion to "Our New Possessions" was considered crusty and out of date.

People who referred back to the political maxims of Washington's Farewell Address, and the cognate set represented by the Monroe Doctrine, were regarded merely as not knowing a good thing when they saw it. So on rode the country, on the crest of the wave of war. It never seemed to occur to anybody at home that the Filipinos would object. If the country had, through some divine interposition, Hon. Frank A. Vanderlip, August, I Century Maagazine.

Page 50 50 American Occupation of Philippines gotten it into its head that the Filipinos were quite a decent lot and really did object very bitterly, it would have risen in its wrath and smitten down any suggestion of forcing a government on them against their will.

But nobody knew anything about them. They were a wholly new proposition. General Anderson was of course furnished with a copy of the President's instructions to his chief, General Merritt. They are quite long, and go into details about a number of administrative matters that would necessarily come up after the city should surrender, such as the raising of revenue, the military commander's duty under the law of nations with regard to the seizure of transportation lines by land or sea, the protection of places of worship from desecration or destruction, and the like.

For the command of this expedition I have designated Major-General Wesley Merritt, and it now becomes my duty to give instructions as to the manner in which the movements shall be conducted. I See p. Page 51 Anderson and Aguinaldo 5I The first effect of the military occupation of the enemy's territory is the severance of the former political relations of the inhabitants and the establishment of a new political power. Under this changed condition of things the inhabitants, so long as they perform their duties, are entitled to security in their persons and property and in all their private rights and relations.

It is my desire that the people of the Philippines should be acquainted with the purpose of the United States to discharge to the fullest extent its obligations in this regard. It will therefore be the dutv of the commander of the expedition, immediately:apon. All persons v. Our occupation should be as free from severity as possible. Though the powers of the military 0occulpant are absolute and supreme and operate immediately upon the political condition of the inhabitants, the municipal laws of the conquered territory, such as affect private rights of persons and property and provide for the punishment of crime, are to be considered as continuing in force, so far as they are compatible with the new order of things, until they are suspended or superseded by the occupying belligerents; and in practice they are not usually abrogated, but are allowed to remain in force and to be administered by the ordinary tribunals substantially as they were before the occupation.

This enlightened practice is, so far as possible, to be adhered to on the present occasion. While the rule of conduct of the American commanderi;n-chief will be such as has just been defined, it will be his.

Page 52 52 American Occupation of Philippines duty to adopt measures of a different kind if, unfortunately, the course of the people should render such measures indispensable to the maintenance of law and order. In the exercise of these high powers the commander must bei guided by his judgment and experience and a high sense of justice. Enter your project or studio from next week on and sign up to the Dezeen Awards newsletter to receive more information!

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Talk about a dirt-cheap fixer-upper. Also known as Reynolds Tavern, the Boom Era property was built sometime in the early 19th century and is thought to have belonged to the prominent cabinet-maker, Thomas Reynolds, who made Warrenton his home in While some reports claim that Reynolds lived in the property, others indicate that it served as the local watering hole. Inside, the 1,square-foot building offers plenty of 19th-century charm, including quaint roof dormers, sash windows, timber door surrounds, boxed eaves and a large stuccoed chimney, that given a little attention could easily be brought back to their former glory.

With bags of potential, this house also comes with another perk. The town of Warrenton offers revitalization and economic development incentives, to entice buyers to rescue its historic dwellings. As well as a restoration loan program, it also offers lucky homeowners redevelopment grants, to assist them with the costs associated with extensive renovations. If all this wasn't enough to persuade you to invest, the period property is also eligible for tax credits!

In the late 19th century, further additions were made, adding two more rooms upstairs and the Victorian porches, which is the configuration that exists today. As the house has been empty for years, it needs a complete renovation, including structural work to the porches and repairs to the roof. However, if you're not afraid of a little elbow grease, this diamond in the rough could make a beautiful family home. If you have a slightly larger budget to play with, then Greylock Mansion might just be the abandoned mansion of your dreams.

Standing proud at 16, square feet, the prestigious pad offers 25 oversized rooms as well as a vast, seven-acre garden. Bordering the exceptional landscape of Wissahickon Valley Park in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, this magnificent dwelling is almost too good to be true.

Covering 16, square feet of inside space, Greylock Mansion comprises of eight bedrooms, four full and four half bathrooms. When you enter the property, you'll be welcomed by marble tiled floors, a grand hall and a sweeping white marble staircase decorated with original ironwork. Despite its rundown state, the abode still feels luxurious, thanks to its vast living spaces that overlook its sweeping lawns.

With some TLC, the home's ornate fireplaces and glorious hardwood floors could be returned to their former splendour.



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Author: admin | 17.04.2021



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